August 18, 2006

The Muhammed saga continues

I’m a pompous theocratic fool

His eminence Grand Sheik Sayyed Tantawi of the al-Azhar in Cairo — the most respected religious authority in the Sunni Islamic world — won’t let go of the Muhammed caricatures. In an interview with Berlingske Tidende he now condemns their publication nearly a year ago as “one of the worst crimes ever,” and demands the following punishments:

* For the newspaper Jyllands-Posten: banning for several years.

* For its editor-in-chief: 1-3 years in prison.

* For its cultural editor, Flemming Rose: to be drawn as a pig.

No, I’m not making this up!

Memo to the Grand Sheik, his like-minded ulama, and their followers: the day you non-violently protest Israeli aggression with half the zeal which you have put into this farce, it will be possible to take you seriously again.

August 12, 2006

Gaarder clarifies view on Israel, Jews

When I posted my unauthorized translation to English of Jostein Gaarder’s essay ‘God’s chosen people’, I had no idea of the amount of international attention it would attract. Had I known that it would be quoted in Haaretz and, in a crossposted incarnation at Booman Tribune, quoted and linked to by Time Magazine’s blog and linked to by Der Spiegel, I would certainly have spent more time on it, though it still strikes me as mostly accurate.

Yet my surprise at the brouhaha pales to insignificance compared to the author’s shock at the firestorm his piece set off, especially in Norway but also abroad. The debate has been raging for a week among intellectuals, writers, politicians, and thousands of Joes and Janes writing LTEs or duking it out online: Is the essay foul and dangerous anti-Semitism, or simply a brave calling out of a country in the process of committing moral suicide before our eyes?

Despite my intention not to post more on this subject, I guess I owe it to Jostein Gaarder to also translate his follow-up op-ed, wherein he answers his critics. As I thought, he does not advocate the abolition of Israel as such, but cautions that “Israel’s intransigent policies with respect to its neighbors may in the long term pose a threat to Israel itself.”

As before, the translation is unofficial and neither solicited nor reviewed by Jostein Gaarder.


An attempt to clarify

Jostein Gaarder, Aftenposten 12.08.06

From the Norwegian by Sirocco

I evidently have been misunderstood by many due to the literary technique I used when writing the op-ed about “God’s chosen people,” and I therefore find it necessary to return to the Aftenposten op-ed space with an attempt to clarify.

We need discussion

The genre proved demanding, and I regret if I have hurt anyone — though I intended and still intend to be harsh in my critique of the state of Israel. However, we need the discussion and exchange of views of public conversation. I mean by this fair discussions and exchanges of view — not inarticulate abuse.

The dream of dialogue

I give thanks for all rational criticism — and naturally, for all declarations of support. I also noticed a wise and sober commentary piece by the chair of The Mosaic Religious Community, Anne Sender. We have disagreed fervently in this matter, but I share with her the “dream of dialogue.”

In my Aftenposten op-ed on Saturday August 5 I wrote among other things: “We recognize and pay heed to Europe’s deep responsibility for the plight of the Jews, for the disgraceful harassment, the pogroms, and the Holocaust. It was historically and morally necessary for Jews to get their own home.” It is on this background and from this fundamental premise — to wit, the recognition of the state of Israel — that I sharply criticize the state of Israel’s policy of war.

What ‘recognize’ means

The op-ed begins with this rhetorical touch: “It is time to learn a new lesson: We do no longer recognize the state of Israel….” It has no doubt spawned much confusion that I have here deliberately played on several meanings of the word ‘recognize’. I refer at one point to the international legal recognition of a state, but I also use the word in the sense of being recognized for a practice, win recognition, enjoy recognition, etc. Or as in my op-ed: “We do not recognize the rhetoric of the state of Israel. We do not recognize the spiral of retribution of the blood vengeance… etc.” And towards the end: “We do not recognize the state of Israel. Not today, not as of this writing, not in the hour of grief and wrath.” (italics added) The op-ed was written on the same day that the pictures from Qana reached us.

1948 versus 1967

Regarding matters of international law, I specify, as I have also tried to emphasize in all interviews: “We recognize the state of Israel of 1948, but not the one of 1967. It is the state of Israel that fails to recognize, respect, or defer to the internationally lawful Israeli state of 1948.”

I thus do not dispute the state of Israel’s right to exist within the borders of 1948, but the border extension of 1967 by means of military force violates international law. In this I have both the UN and the majority of world opinion with me.

No god-given mandate

Many have expressed a view that I conflate religion and politics. I tried to do the exact opposite. When I have entitled the op-ed “God’s chosen people,” it is in order to emphasize that we must never accept that any party to a conflict can claim a god-given mandate.

Here it is primarily what we may call “Christian Zionist” notions I have had in mind, i.e. notions that God still has a plan for the Jews, and that what is going on in the Middle East today is an omen of the Acopalypse, the Second Coming, etc.

Back to Israel

One instance of what I warned against is the fresh statements from a representative of the Pentecostal movement’s work in Israel. He points out that the Second Coming and salvation for the believers are tied to Jews being able to return to Israel. By Israel he means “From the wilderness, and this Lebanon, even to the great river, the river Euphrates, all the land of the Hittites, and to the great sea toward the going down of the sun” (Joshua 1,4).

According to a recent edition of a newspaper he says: “How can we trust God if He does not fulfill these promises? This is of the essence for many Evangelical Christians, among them 70 million in the USA.” He continues: “Neither Judea nor Samaria have been part of the Arab realm. Why does one persist in using the concept ‘occupied land’?” Corresponding conceptions are also represented among Orthodox Jews, especially some settlers in the occupied areas.

Richer in humanism

I do not believe that Jewish thought and practice have been any less humanistic than what is found in Christian or Muslim history. Maybe quite the contrary; I think a comparative study might have to conclude that the culture and practices of Jews have by and large been richer in humanism and freer from religious fanaticism than what the Christian cultural area has to show for itself (with its crusades, conquistadors, inquisitions, persecutions of Jews, and the Holocaust, etc.).

Different interpretations

But that was not the point. Only in regard to the very notion of “the Kingdom of God” do I believe that Jesu’ preaching and what I take to be Christianity have had a more humanistic interpretation than the late-Jewish, and now Christian Zionist, notion of a political restoration of the Kingdom of David as a “Kingdom of God” for the people of Israel. I am here referring to different interpretations of the religious message — be they Christian or Jewish — and to the problems we all encounter when extreme interpretations are put into life.

A symbol of intransigence

“May spirit and word sweep away the apartheid walls of Israel,” I write. Thus I hope that diplomacy and intellectual force will suffice to convince Israel that the illegal wall on occupied land must be torn down, not least because it will otherwise remain as a monumental symbol of intransigence. The wall does not only cause daily irritation and harm to the Palestinian people, but may in a somewhat longer term be a greater danger to Israel than the country will appreciate.

In other words, I fear Israel’s intransigent policies with respect to its neighbors may in the long term pose a threat to Israel itself.

Violence against civilan population

I naturally do not advocate that any citizens of Israel should ever have to leave their country. I do not even consider it a possibility. When I evoke an image of Israeli civilians fleeing the ‘occupied areas’ (such as Jerusalem and the West Bank), I realize that this may elicit strong emotions.

Yet the message is crystal clear: Whatever the background and context — whatever religious or eschatological conceptions we might have — we never can tolerate violence against a civilian population.

Triggering anti-Semitism

And finally: It can be outright irresponsible to prematurely accuse a debater of anti-Semitism — simply because it may serve to legitimize and trigger anti-Semitism. (If he or she is an anti-Semite, hey, maybe it ain’t so bad….) When one of the provincial councils in Norway decided to boycott Israeli goods, this was in certain Jewish circles said to be “in the spirit of the Nazis,” and they concluded that “this is unquestionably an expression of anti-Semitism.”

Well, such characterizations are in my view not only highly irrational. In the long term they can prove fatal. For how are we then going to describe Nazism and anti-Semitism?

Missiles and bombs

I hope I have cleared up some misunderstandings with this entry. Meanwhile the missiles and bombs are raining; civilians are dying; roads, water supply, and healthcare are being set back decades. We all owe the victims of war a cry of distress.

Let us now concentrate on the matter of substance.

August 5, 2006

Israel: a dire prophecy

Jostein Gaarder, the author of the global literary phenomenon Sophie’s World (printed in 26m copies in 53 languages), launches a scorching attack on Israel in Aftenposten, Norway’s paper of record. Gaarder, a historian of ideas, describes himself as a friend of the Jewish people but doubts whether Israel truly is the same. Suffice it to say that this will not appear in the New York Times anytime soon.

The form of Gaarder’s condemnation is inspired by Amos, the first Judaic prophet whose message is preserved in scroll (ca. 750 B.C.). Quoting Wikipedia: “The central idea of the book of Amos according to most scholars is that Yahweh puts his people on the same level as the nations that surround it — Yahweh expects the same morality of them all.”

Please note: the below is an unofficial translation with no connection to Jostein Gaarder. Any errors are mine alone. On the other hand, I do not endorse all the views expressed: see my postscript.


God’s chosen people

Jostein Gaarder, Aftenposten 05.08.06

From the Norwegian by Sirocco

There is no turning back. It is time to learn a new lesson: We do no longer recognize the state of Israel. We could not recognize the South African apartheid regime, nor did we recognize the Afghan Taliban regime. Then there were many who did not recognize Saddam Hussein’s Iraq or the Serbs’ ethnic cleansing. We must now get used to the idea: The state of Israel in its current form is history.

We do not believe in the notion of God’s chosen people. We laugh at this people’s fancies and weep over its misdeeds. To act as God’s chosen people is not only stupid and arrogant, but a crime against humanity. We call it racism.

Limits to tolerance

There are limits to our patience, and there are limits to our tolerance. We do not believe in divine promises as justification for occupation and apartheid. We have left the Middle Ages behind. We laugh uneasily at those who still believe that the God of flora, fauna, and galaxies has selected one people in particular as his favorite and given it funny stone tablets, burning bushes, and a license to kill.

We call child murderers ‘child murderers’ and will never accept that such have a divine or historic mandate excusing their outrages. We say but this: Shame on all apartheid, shame on ethnic cleansing, shame on every terrorist strike against civilians, be it carried out by Hamas, Hizballah, or the state of Israel!

Unscrupulous art of war

We acknowledge and pay heed to Europe’s deep responsibility for the plight of the Jews, for the disgraceful harassment, the pogroms, and the Holocaust. It was historically and morally necessary for Jews to get their own home. However, the state of Israel, with its unscrupulous art of war and its disgusting weapons, has massacred its own legitimacy. It has systematically flouted International Law, international conventions, and countless UN resolutions, and it can no longer expect protection from same. It has carpet bombed the recognition of the world. But fear not! The time of trouble shall soon be over. The state of Israel has seen its Soweto.

We are now at the watershed. There is no turning back. The state of Israel has raped the recognition of the world and shall have no peace until it lays down its arms.

Without defense, without skin

May spirit and word sweep away the apartheid walls of Israel. The state of Israel does not exist. It is now without defense, without skin. May the world therefore have mercy on the civilian population. For it is not civilian individuals at whom our doomsaying is directed.

We wish the people of Israel well, nothing but well, but we reserve the right not to eat Jaffa oranges as long as they taste foul and are poisonous. It was endurable to live some years without the blue grapes of apartheid.

They celebrate their triumphs

We do not believe that Israel mourns forty killed Lebanese children more than it for over three thousand years has lamented forty years in the desert. We note that many Israelis celebrate such triumphs like they once cheered the scourges of the Lord as “fitting punishment” for the people of Egypt. (In that tale, the Lord, God of Israel, appears as an insatiable sadist.) We query whether most Israelis think that one Israeli life is worth more than forty Palestinian or Lebanese lives.

For we have seen pictures of little Israeli girls writing hateful greetings on the bombs to be dropped on the civilian population of Lebanon and Palestine. Little Israeli girls are not cute when they strut with glee at death and torment across the fronts.

The retribution of blood vengeance

We do not recognize the rhetoric of the state of Israel. We do not recognize the spiral of retribution of the blood vengeance with “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” We do not recognize the principle of one or a thousand Arab eyes for one Israeli eye. We do not recognize collective punishment or population-wide diets as political weapons. Two thousand years have passed since a Jewish rabbi criticized the ancient doctrine of “an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.”

He said: “Do to others as you would have them do to you.” We do not recognize a state founded on antihumanistic principles and on the ruins of an archaic national and war religion. Or as Albert Schweitzer expressed it: “Humanitarianism consists in never sacrificing a human being to a purpose.”

Compassion and forgiveness

We do not recognize the old Kingdom of David as a model for the 21st century map of the Middle East. The Jewish rabbi claimed two thousand years ago that the Kingdom of God is not a martial restoration of the Kingdom of David, but that the Kingdom of God is within us and among us. The Kingdom of God is compassion and forgiveness.

Two thousand years have passed since the Jewish rabbi disarmed and humanized the old rhetoric of war. Even in his time, the first Zionist terrorists were operating.

Israel does not listen

For two thousand years, we have rehearsed the syllabus of humanism, but Israel does not listen. It was not the Pharisee that helped the man who lay by the wayside, having fallen prey to robbers. It was a Samaritan; today we would say, a Palestinian. For we are human first of all — then Christian, Muslim, or Jewish. Or as the Jewish rabbi said: “And if you greet your brethren only, what do you do more than others?” We do not accept the abduction of soldiers. But nor do we accept the deportation of whole populations or the abduction of legally elected parliamentarians and government ministers.

We recognize the state of Israel of 1948, but not the one of 1967. It is the state of Israel that fails to recognize, respect, or defer to the internationally lawful Israeli state of 1948. Israel wants more; more water and more villages. To obtain this, there are those who want, with God’s assistance, a final solution to the Palestinian problem. The Palestinians have so many other countries, certain Israeli politicians have argued; we have only one.

The USA or the world?

Or as the highest protector of the state of Israel puts it: “May God continue to bless America.” A little child took note of that. She turned to her mother, saying: “Why does the President always end his speeches with ‘God bless America’? Why not, ‘God bless the world’?”

Then there was a Norwegian poet who let out this childlike sigh of the heart: “Why doth Humanity so slowly progress?” It was he that wrote so beautifully of the Jew and the Jewess. But he rejected the notion of God’s chosen people. He personally liked to call himself a Muhammedan.

Calm and mercy

We do not recognize the state of Israel. Not today, not as of this writing, not in the hour of grief and wrath. If the entire Israeli nation should fall to its own devices and parts of the population have to flee the occupied areas into another diaspora, then we say: May the surroundings stay calm and show them mercy. It is forever a crime without mitigation to lay hand on refugees and stateless people.

Peace and free passage for the evacuating civilian population no longer protected by a state. Fire not at the fugitives! Take not aim at them! They are vulnerable now like snails without shells, vulnerable like slow caravans of Palestinian and Lebanese refugees, defenseless like women and children and the old in Qana, Gaza, Sabra, and Chatilla. Give the Israeli refugees shelter, give them milk and honey!

Let not one Israeli child be deprived of life. Far too many children and civilians have already been murdered.

Postscript by Sirocco: I am quite ambivalent about this piece because of how it seems to lay the crimes of Israel at the feet of Judaism, implying that the Jewish religion has failed to absorb the humanism and universalism of Christianity. I think a more apt perspective is the following.

The ideology of hardcore Zionism has evolved into a religion unto itself, bearing a striking resemblance to the pre-Talmudic Judaism of old. However, unlike the latter, it courts a tribal war god that really does exist, and which, unlike Yahweh, demands no sacrifice or expiation of its chosen people, the Jewish citizens of Israel. This God of Zionism is the world’s only superpower, the USA.

Yet its blind patronage may not last forever. And without it, Israel will reap the whirlwind.

Update: Here is my translation of Gaarder’s follow-up article, wherein he clarifies his stance.

Home

June 9, 2006

Flying high

Squaak! Zarqawi wants a bisquit!

Marwaan said: “We asked `Abdullaah Ibn Mas’ood, may Allaah be pleased with him, about the following verse: (which translates as): “And never think of those who have been killed in the cause of Allaah as dead. Rather, they are alive with their Lord, receiving provision.” (Aal-`Imraan: 169).’ He, may Allaah be pleased with him, replied: “We asked the Prophet sallallaahu `alaihi wa sallam about this verse and he replied: “Their (i.e., the martyrs’ souls) will live inside green birds that dwell in designated lamps which hang on the throne of Allaah, they will roam freely in Paradise as they please, then return to these lamps”” (Muslim).

Osama Khayyaat: The Virtues of Martyrdom (1478).

As to the 72 delectable ‘virgins’, they turn out to be, well, white grapes.

Of course, this is the best-case scenario.

June 1, 2006

Breaking: the Pope is Catholic!

Filed under: History, Europe, Religion, Ethics

The Belfast Telegraph reports on a Pope in rough weather:

On Sunday Pope Benedict XVI travelled to Auschwitz on the last day of his first pastoral journey, and the speech he made there has provoked a storm of indignation, disappointment and bewilderment from Warsaw to Madrid, from Rome to Paris to Jerusalem, that continues to rumble.

What’s up? For one thing, Benedict XVI, a.k.a. Joseph Ratzinger, glossed over the shameful silence of the Catholic Church during the Holocaust, and he deserves rebuke for that. But there is more:

The only victims he mentioned by name were Christians. And in explaining why the Holocaust happened, he offered a metaphysical explanation according to which the true, intended victim of the genocide of the Jews was not actually the Jews but Christianity. For anyone seeking proof that Benedict is a man wedded to the abstruse conceits of theology at the expense of this flesh-and-blood world, his speech at Auschwitz offered confirmation. The occasion was a grand one, but he failed to rise to it.

It is amusing to see secular intellectuals acting shocked, shocked that the Pope interprets the Holocaust in metaphysical terms. Whatever did they expect? He is the Holy Father, not an editor at Die Zeit.

In Catholic doctrine, evil is not a principle unto itself but privatio boni, a lack of good. Yet it does exist as an active force, personified by the Devil, whom God holds morally accountable (Matt. 25:41). This is obviously paradoxical, but Christianity was never known for its logical coherence, a fact which theology is the attempt to conceal by unintelligible jargon.

Now, to the point. If Nazism is indeed an expression of absolute evil, then it must be of the Devil. If it is indeed of the Devil, then its objective must be to drive a wedge between God and his creation. Hence, indeed “the true, intended victim of the genocide of the Jews was not actually the Jews but Christianity.” Q.E.D.

Those who think this conclusion ridiculous, as I do, might consider simply shrugging at the elaborate creed in question. More distasteful to my mind at least are the operators who, by symbol-heavy obfuscation, try to weld the Holocaust into a kitsch spirituality of its own.

The writ against Ratzinger continues:

“I come here,” he said inside the camp, “as a son of the German people …” But not guilty on that account; rather “a son of that people over which a ring of criminals rose to power by false promises of future greatness and the recovery of the nation’s honour, prominence and prosperity, but also through terror and intimidation, with the result that our people was used and abused as an instrument of their thirst for destruction and power.”

The German people, in other words - Ratzinger and his family and all the rest - were not to blame for Auschwitz. No wonder no apology was forthcoming: in their own way, they, too, were victims of the Nazis. To any ordinary Germans of his generation, he offered a form of consolation which historians no longer regard as remotely valid.

Is it not true that the Germans were themselves also victims of a criminal ring? The sanctimonious efforts to deny this are predicated upon the false dilemma that one cannot simultaneously be victim and perpetrator. But of course one can. It’s called the human condition.

If the hysterical hate-monger Daniel Goldhagen now corners the market on historiographic validity, I think that’s more disconcerting than the news that the Pope is Catholic.

April 3, 2006

Iconoclasm in Cairo

Filed under: Middle East, Religion

More news from the cultural center of the Arab region: the Grand Mufti of Egypt, Sheykh Ali Gomaa, has issued a fatwa condemning sculptors and their work as shirk (idolatry; the most serious offense against Islam). The extremely reactionary edict denounces the use of statues for decoration as haram (forbidden). While it does not mention statues in museums or parks explicitly, the implication is that these too are in violation of shari’a.

Based at the ancient mosque-cum-university al-Azhar, Gomaa is widely seen as a puppet for Mubarak’s regime. Like the cartoon outrage, this might thus be an attempt by the establishment to bolster its religious credentials. Anyhow, Sheykh Yusuf al-Qaradawi, the popular al-Jazeera “televangelist” who was key to stirring up said outrage, supports the edict.

Interestingly though, the Muslim Brotherhood — the Islamist opposition that dominates Egypt’s civil society and is well represented in Parliament through independents — takes a different tack: “The people are more concerned with corruption. What they would like to see is a fatwa banning the presence of the same people at the helm of the country for 25 years and not against statues,” a spokesman tells al-Jazeera. That doesn’t mean the Brothers necessarily reject the edict as a matter of principle (they probably disagree on that) but it proves once again that they know what most irks the masses about the status quo.

It will be an interesting time ahead when the 77-year old Mubarak strains to transfer power to some much weaker heir — most likely his not too bright son Gamal — as the Brothers prepare to finally grab the reins. Who knows, perhaps they will grant him a statue?

March 29, 2006

Moussaoui’s martyrdom

Filed under: US, Religion, Terrorism

The jury will withdraw today to sentence Zacharias Moussaoui, who on Monday dashed for what Tim McVeigh called a ‘de luxe suicide-by-cop package’. The NYT:

In his few hours on the witness stand that day, Mr. Moussaoui appeared to undo much of the defense that his lawyers had built since the beginning of the trial, which is solely to determine whether he will be put to death or spend the rest of his life in jail. Mr. Moussaoui not only agreed with prosecutors that he was in Al Qaeda, he also asserted that he knew most of the hijackers and was to have flown a fifth plane on Sept. 11 into the White House.

Moussaoui wants to die, or more precisely: to be killed by the enemy. From his point of view this is infinitely better than rotting in a prison cell, as to his mind it qualifies as martyrdom (shaheed) even though he took no active part in 9/11; cf. e.g. the ahadith collection of Muslim: Vol. 20, No. 4694-6. These are some of the benefits of shaheed, as per ahadith he probably accepts:

1. Guaranteed admission to Paradise (Bukhari: Vol. 9, Book 93, No. 555, 621). Ordinary Muslims gain entry only if their good deeds outweigh their sins; otherwise they go to Hell.
2. Instant admission to Paradise (Muslim: Book 1, No. 515). Ordinary Muslims must wait until the Day of Resurrection for their judgment; in the meantime, they suffer the ‘punishment of the grave’.
3. Preferential treatment in Paradise (Bukhari: Vol. 4, Book 52, No. 53; Muslim: Book 19, No. 4440-1; Book 20, No. 4634-6).
4. The right to intercede for seventy family members so these also go to Paradise (Abu-Dawud: Book 14, No. 2516).

There are of course many Muslims who reject some or all of this, but not among Moussaoui’s ilk.

As I have argued in the case of Mohammed Bouyeri — Theo van Gogh’s murderer, who similarly yearned for execution — the upshot here is that life in prison is clearly a stronger deterrent than capital punishment with respect to Jihadi terrorism. The terrorist is not afraid to die whether he succeeds in his mission or not; quite the opposite. If anything can make him lose heart, it is the prospect of being caught alive to suffer lifelong incarceration in a humiliating infidel environment where opportunities for ’struggle in the path of God’, as he understands it, are next to nil.

I am not saying this as a bleeding-heart liberal. Indeed, I also happen to think that even death with no Paradise affixed is too good for such vermin.

March 24, 2006

Americans: ‘Atheists are scum’

Filed under: History, US, Religion, Ethics

News from America: in the world’s supposedly leading nation, whose fine constitution is founded entirely on Enlightenment values, the tiny atheist minority are pariah, a study finds.

MINNEAPOLIS / ST. PAUL (3/20/2006) — American’s increasing acceptance of religious diversity doesn’t extend to those who don’t believe in a god, according to a national survey by researchers in the University of Minnesota’s department of sociology.

From a telephone sampling of more than 2,000 households, university researchers found that Americans rate atheists below Muslims, recent immigrants, gays and lesbians and other minority groups in “sharing their vision of American society.” Atheists are also the minority group most Americans are least willing to allow their children to marry.

Even though atheists are few in number, not formally organized and relatively hard to publicly identify, they are seen as a threat to the American way of life by a large portion of the American public. “Atheists, who account for about 3 percent of the U.S. population, offer a glaring exception to the rule of increasing social tolerance over the last 30 years,” says Penny Edgell, associate sociology professor and the study’s lead researcher.

While I knew that declared atheists are unelectable for office above county level in the USA, I naïvely thought George Bush sr. went out on a limb when he opined (and yes, he really did) that atheists shouldn’t be regarded as citizens. Apparently he was expressing common sense.

Salman Rushdie — himself not unacquainted with the zealous mindset — sums up the attitude in question:

It is among the truths believed to be self-evident by the followers of all religions that godlessness is equivalent to amorality and that ethics requires the underpinning presence of some sort of ultimate arbiter, some sort of supernatural absolute, without which secularism, humanism, relativism, hedonism, liberalism and all manner of permissive improprieties will inevitably seduce the unbeliever down immoral ways.

I wonder what blinkers such faithful bigots don to sustain their delusion of superiority. Aside from the philosophical hollowness of deriving ethics from the command of supernatural beings — exposed in Plato’s dialogue Euthyphro some 2,400 years ago — the idea sits rather poorly with the facts. Let us briefly consider the evidence.

The 1994 Rwandan genocide, wherein 800,000 men, women and children were slashed to pieces with machetes (or, if babies, bashed SS-style against the trees) took place in a devoutly Catholic country. The faith was introduced by the same Belgian colonialists who, moved by a mix of race theory and divide et impera, did such a splendid job of setting the Tutsis up against the Hutus, after their impeccably Catholic king had transformed the neighboring Congo basin into Hell. The US President who literally spent more time at the office pushing cigars up his intern’s vagina than stopping the butchery — though the latter was within his powers — is a Southern Baptist whose speeches brim with spiritual uplift. In Sudan another genocide is in its fourth year, conducted at the hands of glowing theists, who, rather like the Hutus, find the work fulfilling. Sudan’s 21-year, two million-victims civil war wasn’t waged by atheists either. And in northern Uganda “the Lord’s Resistance Army” has spent two decades turning children into monsters. Joseph Kony, its sadistic, child-raping leader, communes with the Holy Spirit; his political platform is the Ten Commandments. While true, it is beside the point that he makes a mockery of Christian doctrine. The point is his well-documented innocence of atheism — and of little else.

In Algeria a few years ago, some 70,000 civilians were slaughtered by insurgents of the kind that enjoys playing football with human heads. If these gentlemen were atheists, it is news to me.

Tony Blair, a passionate Evangelical who sees everything as a struggle against wickedness, thinks God will judge his effort to throw Iraq into civil war; and presumably, give it rave reviews. His American partner in war crime was born again with televangelist Billy Graham as a busy midwife. Graham, whom Bill Clinton has called “the man I love,” prayed with US Presidents before just about every commencement of hostilities from Vietnam to Iraq and will surely do so again when God instructs Bush the Lesser to smite Iran.

Ah yes, Iran. This safely non-atheist country — the only one besides the Vatican to be run by clergy — executes sexually active 16 year old girls and homosexuals by slow asphyxiation. As Pascal, who lived through the most horrific wars of religion in Europe, observed: “Men never do evil so completely and cheerfully as when they do it from religious conviction.” I recently forced myself to watch this movie of a stoning to death in the mullah’s paradise. Swaying back and forth in agony, the victims’ heads are mashed into bloody pulp to enthusiastic cries of Allahu akbar (”God is greater”). Well, if an allmighty sky-god exists — which I doubt even more after watching this savagery — I should hope he is greater than that.

Thirty years ago today there was a military coup in Argentina, upon which at least 10,000 people were murdered, often after rape and torture. Not noted for their atheism, the coupmakers spent most of the preceding day with Argentina’s leading bishops, who gave their blessings. And though some priests later joined the resistance, the Church condoned the regime, as it had those of Mussolini and Franco.

Woman about to be stoned

A woman to be stoned by confirmed non-atheists

Of course, none of this suggests that moral behavior necessarily goes with the absence of belief in deities. The two most prolific mass murderers of all time, Stalin and Mao — probably also Hitler, the bronze medal winner — are enough to invalidate that notion.

It does suggest, however, that indulgence in revealed religion is pretty useless as a bulwark against evil. The bigots among the believers, then, can take their smug condemnation of us godless people and stick it.

Update: My favorite blogger, Digby, tackles the subject here and here.

March 20, 2006

An Accusation of Timeless Dimensions

I remember stumbling upon, as a kid, The Book of Job in a family bible. Set in archaic language and almost indecipherable gothic font, it was a struggle to get through; but the story was absorbing and the poetry, otherworldly. Like countless readers before me, however, I was baffled by the ending.

ZapffeYears later, the existentialist philosopher Peter Wessel Zapffe (1899-1990) helped me make sense of it at last. His classic essay on The Book of Job is adapted from his masterpiece, On the Tragic, published in 1941 under German occupation. It is a subversive and blasphemous reading of this ancient meditation on the Problem of Evil, which Zapffe understood as an indictment of the human condition. The final paragraph never fails to send a chill down my spine. As promised to a commenter a while ago, I have attempted to render the essay; presumably for the first time in English.

My previous translations of Zapffe are here, here and here. As before, I have chosen British spelling. The prose is extraordinary and I have no illusions of having done it justice.

But then, where is justice found in this world?

An Accusation of Timeless
Dimensions

Peter Wessel Zapffe, 1941/1957
From the Norwegian by Sirocco

I

ScrollThe problem of interpreting a text that is either difficult to make particular sense of, or else allows more than one reading, is in theory the same for a work of today and one of bygone times. Only factually does there tend to be a difference — in the access to means and material. The interpretation may be determined by its causae, its effective causes; such is the case when the interpreter by means of historical and biographical knowledge seeks to present the author’s supposed intentions, or reconstruct the contemporary reception. But it may also be determined by its telos; such is the case when the interpreter asks, How does the text affect a reader of today — what does it yield when studied in terms of our present-day preconceptions?
     In the case of The Book of Job, we lack direct knowledge of the `author intention’ or the attitudes of the recipients upon its `publication’. Schück places the poet in Alexandria in the 4th century B.C.E., suggesting that he, in the context of an ancient myth, voiced his own heartfelt views on the philosophy of religion. Theodicé, the `defence of God’ as opposed to `criticism of the world order’, gained burning relevance as Judaism and Hellenism clashed in the minds. Both causae and telos are thus at play in the following interpretation.

Job is a kindred spirit of Prometheus; they both suffer godly malice and appeal to the principle of justice. Furthermore, a network of historical arteries is believed to link Aischylos’ play to the form given The Book of Job in canonical Scripture.
     The textual history is interesting — with the `traditional book’ as the source and servile theologians carrying a train of piety along. Together they frame a gem of world literature. It is a man of deeply personal acquaintance with pain, tremendous passion, and a reason of incisive clarity who meets us here, a thinker with a fanatic will to intellectual honesty and a poet of soaring cosmic pathos to match his flair for bestowing a blinding satirical form upon his abysmal hate of the god. There is a golden irony in the destiny of the writing: through the interpolations of the pious, this book of revolt, with all its smoking imprecations, has gained a place among the rocks of faith upon which people build their metaphysical consolation even today.
     The poet takes as his point of departure the tradition that Job was great in the eyes of his tribesmen in terms of religion, status, and wealth. He was `blameless and upright, one who feared God, and turned away from evil’, and self-effacingly helpful too. He was the greatest of all the people of the East, happy and highly esteemed by young as well as old, poor as well as rich. There is none like him on the earth — so says the Lord himself. In other words: Job is perched at the pinnacle of his society’s culture, and just those rare and fine qualities that placed him there become in turn the direct cause of his destruction, of his biological, social and metaphysical ruin. He is to be a bone of contention among the powerful; a victim, in a sense, of an inverted `envy of the gods’.
     For the Lord brags to Satan about his servant Job — what must not I be like, who am feared by a man like Job, and Satan replies: Hah! Job worships you merely in tribute to your patronage. Now deprive him of his assets, and we shall see. Jahve agrees to the bet, and soon Job is struck by two fearsome floodwaves of disaster until his life is barely left him. God wants to show his adversary that Job serves and fears him (love is not at issue here) whether blessings or curses are sent, simply for `God’s own sake’ — however that is supposed to be motivated. Job has to prostrate himself unconditionally, humbly conceding — what? God’s might or God’s right? Well, that is precisely the burning question in what follows.
     And Job really bows, as he has been taught is the right thing to do, during both of his ordeals. In the traditional book he is also promptly rewarded, but this is where the poet enters to request a place for human nature in Job. And the human is more than a docile slave to his image of the god; he brims with earthly life and élan. So Job gives God what is God’s due, but like Jeremiah, he curses the day he was born. It is better to be dead than to lead a life like this; still better, to never be born. Why does God force those to live who do not wish to do so?

William Blake: Satan Smiting Job with Sore Boils

William Blake: Satan Smiting Job with Sore Boils.

These thoughts provoke an outpouring of eloquence from the `friends’ Eliphaz, Bildad, and Zophar. It is in reply to their more or less unthinking dogmatic cant that Job is to make an accusation of timeless dimensions, attaining a voice that concentrates all of humankind’s prayers and threats, laments, hopes, and curses into a few immortal verses. Above the vital biological interests of the people and humanity, whose assurance was hitherto the only purpose of the pact with Jahve, the poet now elevates a new interest: The Book of Job is a drama about the emergence of culture; a depiction of a spiritual `mutation’ comparable to Prometheus, The Eumenides, and Grillparzer’s Libussa. One can perceive a new metaphysical consciousness crystallise under the maximal pressure of agony — a consciousness of the fundamental conflict between the god (or by analogy, natural forces) as the environment’s master, and the sacred human demand for meaning in what happens.
    The friends’ traditional doctrine claims, with minor variations, that God rewards the righteous (law-abiding) and punishes the ungodly (law-infringing) in this life — a creed that Job too has grown up with. As Job is now `unpunishable’, says the old Eliphaz, God will certainly deliver him from agony if only he endures in patience while recognising God’s rightfulness in doing all this to Job. No man is perfect to God, not even you, which is why you now suffer. But when the cup of suffering is full, you will be reestablished in your former bliss. During the ordeal you may cry out as much as you like; none can hear you. Be grateful for His scolding of you; it only proves that you are in His hand.

I may perhaps have made too much of it, Job meekly replies, but this I simply cannot take! I have no peace while I swallow my spittle; I am after all a human, not a mineral! And yet I will try to be humble, if only you explain my fault to me, the fault that earned me such a treatment. For it can hardly be my impatience now after the fact that brought down my misadventure! — Neither here nor later on is there any sign that Job equals himself with God in moral stature — the respective demands are also different, to put it mildly. Job is merely requesting a reasonable proportion of `punishment’ to imperfection, especially inasmuch as perfection is entirely beyond human reach. He must, given the central dogma, be free to compare his fate with those of others, and this is where he grows sceptical about the distribution of goods and ills. But his friends misjudge his zeal in pleading his innocence, suspecting a mad pride behind it: that Job regards himself as `absolutely’, not `relatively’, faultless. The source of Job’s fervour is another, however: it is for the sake of the problem, in the interest of clarity, that he reviews his conduct. He queries what they mean by sin when basing their defence of God on the doctrine of the sinner’s doom and the righteous person’s vindication. It is easy for you to preach, he concludes in his reply to Eliphaz, who have all your assets intact. My life is in tatters; I shall soon perish from this disease, and then there is no more. Those are different terms, indeed. And since I have no more to lose, nor anything to gain by keeping quiet, I might at least indulge in lamenting my plight.
     And now he directs his words straight at his, and his friends’, God. What is the point of all this? Do you find me a worthy object of your destructive power? Have you no better things to do? Do you not think you lessen yourself by going on like this? Mightn’t you stop while I am still alive and grant me a moment’s peace - for when I shortly die, you must, after all, stop anyway!
     The young Bildad then repeats Eliphaz’ claim, applying it to Job’s sons. They must surely have sinned egregiously who were so swiftly slain, for God’s justice cannot be doubted.
     True enough, Job ponderously replies; it is futile for a human to challenge God. But now the critical breakthrough occurs in Job’s thought: How so? Is it because we are so feeble in our sense of justice that we should bow our heads in shame if God the Lord were to explain to us the least of his motives? No, he infers with desperate rigour, it must rather be due to his overwhelming power relative to ours, his greatness in meters and kilos, that we cannot prevail against him. Our rightness or wrongness in the human sense makes no difference whatsover. It is immaterial twice over: firstly, he cannot be summoned for negotiations; he is invisible, exempt from our limitations, has no need for our facilities, and does not communicate with us as we do among ourselves. And secondly: even if he did arrive for negotiations — what good would it do? No umpire could arbitrate between us; he does not accept to be bound by even one explicit principle of justice. He is an absolute autocrat by virtue of his strength and knowledge; mercy I may appeal for, but no justice. Indeed, he can render the innocent guilty, twisting the sense of justice in his chest and forcing him to convict himself. Let him make us equal before the law, and I will answer him. As long as he keeps me on the rack, standing above me as an executioner, there is no basis for negotiation. Accordingly, even an indictment from God would be invaluable.

William Blake: Job and his daughters

William Blake: Job and his Daughters.

But surely there is at least a meaning in the misery, even if at odds with the idea of justice? Let me know then why you harass me! I am, after all, your own creation wholly; in the name of reason you must have a motive for destroying it. The call for comprehension erupts like a flame toward the heavens; Job is hammering God’s ear in hope of striking a humanly related cord. If you probe my sin and delinquency, there must at least be a chance of contact on a single point; one common principle must apply to your judgment and mine. If there is any truth in your claim to have made us in your image, then something must be commensurable in our respective views and verdicts, and this must also pertain to my sense of justice, which you created together with the rest. For if the god’s understanding of justice deviates from humanity’s, then it is as good as arbitrary for us; then our last chance is lost, there is no pathway of hope through perfectibility, we are surrendered to a metaphysical sweepstake, and there is no longer any guarantee that our highest virtues, faithfulness, humility and benevolence, are not in fact the broad path to damnation. But then, if his notion of justice deviates from ours, we will no more use the word `justice’ of his dispositions. Nor will we condone the fraud inherent in the theodicé of the pious: calling an act the most heinous crime and irredeemable offence when performed by a human, but inscrutable love when by God. It is one out of two: same law and same verdict for both, or different laws and verdicts. If we are to accept the governance of our world as just, says Job, it has to be just in the human sense. Otherwise God can be as `just’ as he likes in his own language, but in ours it is called unjust.

The same consideration applies to experience, Job affirms. When I see that a man is a crook, and he nonetheless, or precisely therefore, fares jolly well, the apologist cannot claim that he fares badly without giving a wholly new sense to the words. If he now pretends to use them in their ordinary senses, he is being dishonest in logical terms. So when Zophar, on God’s behalf, repeats the hackneyed dogma that virtue shall be rewarded, and so on, Job is seized by the ruthlessness of battle. He takes on the creed of his friends (or foes), exposing it as nonsense by the standards of reason and experience — the only ones we may decently apply. After all, even animals can sense their subordination to forces that have nil to do with good and right, and as for the human world, injustice is rather the prevailing principle. The human condition is dreadful from the vantage point of death. You should not go so far to save your illusory grounds of consolation as to defend God by pure deceit. If someone can convince me, I will concede, but not to manifest folly. Nor will I yield to the talk of God’s mysterious ways, for if I cannot form an image of him, neither can you; then we all stagger blind about.

II

Bildad’s second entry introduces a new element: Of what significance are you, and your demand for justice, to the entire worldly household? This is the Stoic philosophy; it sits uneasily with the principle of retribution, but Bildad ties them together with a well-known apologetic trick: to connect the incompatible items with a `nonetheless’. Job takes no solace in the fundamental unimportance of his fate; he has no use for a world-scheme where humans play no part. The call for meaning erupts in him more insistently than ever; against Stoicism he demands that his destiny (i.e. all people’s) be graven into the legend of the universe with everlasting letters. And his challenging thought proceeds to a higher authority than the god he was taught about but is dismissing, to one whose interests connect with the most sacred of human needs. Job has risen high above his individual pain and is speaking on behalf of all humanity; his sense of justice is incorruptible, ascending in merciless majesty from his despair. He even rejects the clause that the evil of `ungodly’ ancestors be visited upon descendants, for any `punishment’ must befall the delinquent in the flesh.

But now Bildad comes along with his last bullet: God’s greatness of quantity; if sitting in the entire colloquium, he has either failed to understand a thing or refused to do so. As Job lacks the Lord’s astronomic dimensions, he should not try to prevail. Baffled by the argument, Job asks: With whose help have you uttered words, and whose spirit has come forth from you? Being only too acquainted with this aspect of the Lord’s exertions, Job schools Bildad in the sublime poetic art of extolling the many mechanistic wonders that we cannot copy. But then — Job ominously concludes — that also circumscribes his powers; he can storm and roar as much as he likes, that does not help one iota in the matter at hand. On the contrary: the Lord abused his might to violate my right. At this point I must stand firm, for I cannot betray my conviction without harm to my soul. And I do not shy from calling any cosmic force ungodly that strays from the rightful path. If Job’s expression `my enemy’ refers to Jahve, as the context suggests, then he here puts forth a novel theology: the notion `divine’ shall not conform to `the god that be’; rather, the god we can accept shall conform to the norm of divinity — to our conception of the ideal god by the token of humanity. And so we require the god to embody the highest wisdom, shooting all creation through with order and meaning. Where, then, is the well-spring of wisdom, inquires Job — where is the source of spirit that animates god and human alike? Jahve is obviously not this source, though he alone knows the origin of spiritual power. And to what end has he put it himself? To wreak havoc with wind and rain and lightning, playing war games on humanity. `Fear Me and depart from evil’ — that was all he got out of it.

A later author finds no way to save the three reproachful friends. Job has torched every imaginable argument — yet cannot in all decency be ceded the dispute without further ado. Thus he adds a fifth character, Elihu, who is previously unmentioned and supposed to speak the timely words to satisfy the demands of both faith and experience. However, despite notable pretensions, he is able only to rehash and vary what has already been said. It must therefore mystify the reader that the Lord, when the Day of Reckoning arrives, does not rebuke him for heresy together with the other three. Even more surprising is it, though, that he hauls them over the coals after repeating the gist of their lectures himself. But we are only mystified because we still retain some notions about the divine logic. After the Lord has made his personal introduction, there shall be nothing more to surprise us.
     For this speech of God must be one of the most marvellous passages in the whole of canonical Scripture. Job, for one, is clearly perplexed by the rich demonstration of all that is weird and wonderful in nature.
    And when the Lord expectantly prompts his reply, Job says rather quietly: You know what I think of my misery. These zoological conjuring tricks hardly concern our differences. What else do you want me to say?
     So the Lord is compelled, however reluctantly, to address the question of justice. (God was careless enough to show up on the scene; he cannot pull out now without loss of prestige. And in prestige, vanity, is perhaps the deepest motivation for this god’s benighted rule.) How dare you allege that I am unjust?? asks the Lord in the whirlwind. Do you not see my strength and do you not hear how terribly I can roar? Prove that you have my might, and I will bow to recognise your right. Only might carries weight in my eyes. Do you know what is the apex of my creation? Not the human spirit with its sickly sense of justice, as you fool believe, no the hippo sir! Its legs are copper pipes and its bones like iron rods! A far cry from you effeminate whimp with all your tender sensibilities. Now maybe you think Man is second to the hippo? Oh far from it, the crocodile is its only equal. It has armor plates, that one, but what have you? Aye, you are quite someone to lecture me about justice!

William Blake: The Lord Answering Job out of the Whirlwind

William Blake: The Lord Answering Job out of the Whirlwind.

One can imagine Job’s boundless consternation at this tangible appearance of Jahve. Here Job has been attributing to his problem the profoundest, most crucial significance of principle — assuming himself faced with an adversary who should convince him to the point of mortal shame as soon as his tongue touched the burning questions — a god so dignified and sacred and pure that even his indictment must cause exultation! And now he is met with a grotesquely primitive world-ruler, a cosmic caveman, a blustering braggart, almost endearing in his utter ignorance of spiritual culture. Job also readily realizes that it would be laughably naïve to raise theoretical questions here; to assert a persuasion requires an adversary who is equipped to comprehend it and to see the argument as common ground. Nothing could be more misplaced than to beat his chest in a display of moral heroism until Jahve puts his paw down to squash him like a flea. He might as well take his high-minded stands vis-a-vis the hippo and the crocodile, who much more than Job are created in the Lord’s image. The situation is utterly transformed now that Jahve has made the mistake of revealing his true nature and no longer benefits from the idealising human imagination. `I had heard of thee by the hearing of the ear, but now my eye sees thee; therefore I despise myself, and repent in dust and ashes’. Job is paying lipservice to God as one does to the mentally unbalanced. His battle with God was based upon a false premise. What is news to Job is not God’s greatness of quantity, which he fully knew beforehand. It is the poorness of quality. His loftiest belief, his conception of the god, has taken a fatal blow. To this inane ur-force, Job can yield without the slightest shame, since the `battle’ left his principled stance untouched. A spiritual force may be annihilated, but not `defeated’, by the annihilitation of its corporal vehicle. Not even corporally is Job `defeated’, for in that area he did not fight. He is unpersuaded of having erred about the justice of the worldly order; on the contrary, his views are borne out. By so capitulating, he deals the tyrant the most damning insult there is: that the adversary does not even merit a fight.

One who does not smell a rat is Jahve: thrilled as a child by his `triumph’, he initiates a grand reconciliation. The poor friends, who thought they had served their master diligently, adhering to the law that has just been confirmed by personal revelation, and even foretelling the reconciliation itself — those are harshly dealt with, while Job, who has still not recovered from his initial shocks, sees the return and doubling of his chattel and wealth. He gets as many sons and daughters as were crushed in the beginning — it is clearly the Lord’s opinion that no harm is done as long as the number is preserved. What an unflattering light does not fall on this godly Caliban, who believes he can make it all up with money and cattle when Job has put his finger on the rotten rub in the very world machinery!
     Thus ends this grand metaphysical confrontation in blind comedy. Job keeps wisely quiet in his newfound bliss, but he shall hardly forget the glimpse that he, in his time of terror, caught behind the scenes of creation, even as he grows to be 140 years old and full of days.
     Has Satan lost his bet? If he is of Jahve’s caliber, he has. But if he is a clever Mefisto, then he and Job now share a little secret. Within, Satan achieved a victory far more precious than one without: the colossus has exposed his weak spot, allowing his arch-enemy a grip on the human mind previously unthinkable. God missed the scope of Job’s test; a ruler’s whim during merry recreation has turned into a deadly serious affair.

Job’s tragedy is, in the first regard, the outer one that he is broken along with his household for being the most praiseworthy person in the land. But here the causal chain is ascribed to a Prolog im Himmel and cannot be tied to known earthly conditions. True, wealth might attract robbers, but storms and leprosy are accidents in the light of experience. So this tragedy is rather bereft of philosophical substance.
     All the weightier is the inner tragedy. Firstly, his sense of justice (the new greatness evoked by the outer tragedy), unique to Job within his circle and his finest quality in the eyes of the modern reader, brings him melancholy and Weltschmertz, the severest of mental anguish. Secondly, Job’s vivid imagination and noble spirit render him especially prone to such anguish — he is dismayed when the Almighty gives him `the visions of the night’. Shallow natures are spared such deep Hamletian vistas, and the `ungodly’ have no analogous problem of justice. This dilemma concerns us all the more for being somehow `eternally human’.
     But the god in The Book of Job — does he concern us? Is there anything more to it than poetic play with a conception of god now exotic and obsolete? Do we know this god? Indeed, we do from the history of religion; he is the god of the Old Testament, the god of wars, armies and divisions, the jealous, or as we would say, the harsh and vigilant Jehova. But does he only dwell in the history of religion? We are hardly so fortunate: he holds sway in experience as well, today as 2,400 years ago. He represents a familiar social and biological environment: the blind forces of nature oblivious to the human craving for order and meaning, the unpredictable strikes of disease and death, the ephemerality of fame, the betrayal of friends and kin. He is the god of machines and might, of rule by violence, Moscow tribunals, party yoke and conquest, of copper pipes and armor plates. Job is not alone to confront him with weapons of the spirit. Some are trampled underfoot in heroic martyrdom; others see the limitation even of martyrdom — they bow in outer things, but hide despair in their hearts.

February 2, 2006

The right to blasphemy

Burning of Danish flag in GazaAs noted in the last post, there is global outcry over the publication in a Danish and a Norwegian newspaper of satirical cartoons on the Prophet Muhammed Mustafa. Everybody who’s anybody in the Islamic world, from Chechen rebel leader Sjamil Basajev via the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem to the Indonesian foreign ministry, is jumping on the bandwagon. Even the offically secular Syria has recalled its ambassador from Copenhagen.

On Tuesday, seventeen Arab interior ministers demanded that Danish authorities punish those who drew the cartoons, as well as ensure it doesn’t happen again. The limits of their jurisdictions seem to have eluded these dignitaries. Have they perchance bought into US wingnut blather about “Eurabia”?

And isn’t it faintly incongruous to have countries like Saudi Arabia, where owning a Bible can relieve you of your head, bidding to school Scandinavia in “being respectful of other religions”?

Now, here’s an idea that needs to be voiced more often: too much pious lip-service is paid the supposed obligation to respect the beliefs of others. From the canonical liberal viewpoint, there is no such thing. Instead, there is a duty to respect the right of others to believe what they damn well please and to observe those beliefs unless demonstrably harmful to others. With H.L. Mencken, “We must respect the other fellow’s religion, but only in the sense and to the extent that we respect his theory that his wife is beautiful and his children smart.”

No doubt, westerners easily fail to realize how offensive to Muslim sensibilities is any caricature — let alone a mean-spirited such — of the Prophet. In Sunni tradition he is not to be depicted at all, to avoid idolatry; in no strand of the religion can he be insulted, either in words or imagery. True, we non-Muslims have no religious reason to honor these strictures. But we have a secular reason to do so: the virtue of plain old-fashioned civility.

Then again, a virtue does not a duty make. I have no duty to withhold my dim view of the other fellow’s family, especially not in my own home. If he insists otherwise, I may be tempted to speak my mind just to make the point that I’m entitled to it. If he backs up his demands with threats of violence, the temptation will grow.

Which, by rough analogy, is how this saga began half a year ago. In light of the murder of film-maker Theo van Gogh in the Netherlands, and an assault on a History professor in Copenhagen, the author of an illustrated children’s book on the life of Muhammed couldn’t find an illustrator willing to work under his or her own name. The Danish quality daily Jyllands-Posten got wind of this and, to provoke debate about potential erosion of the freedom of expression, commissioned drawings of Muhammed from a number of cartoonists, printing the ones it received on September 30.

On October 19, ambassadors from eleven predominantly Muslim countries requested a meeting with the Danish PM Anders Fogh Rasmussen, seeking an official condemnation of the incident. The cocky Fogh Rasmussen refused to meet with them, confident — mistakenly, as it turned out — that the principle of freedom of the press was “crystal clear.” Subsequently a delegation of Danish Islamic leaders toured the Middle East, telling the tale to all who would listen. Many would.

Finally, on January 10, a small evangelical journal in Norway fanned the flames by reproducing the material for reasons ostensibly similar to Jyllands-Posten’s. Upon this the uproar has swept the Islamic world like wildfire, following denunciations by its foremost religious authorities such as Saudi top cleric Grand Mufti Sheikh Abdulaziz al-Sheikh and the leading Egyptian scholar Sheikh Yusef al-Qaradawi.

It has lately turned violent. Employees of a Danish dairy company were beaten up in Riyadh; Scandinavian aid workers have been chased out of Gaza; bomb threats are being phoned in against Danish embassies and Jyllands-posten; terrorist websites call for strikes against Denmark and Norway.

Jihadist banner art

In defiance of such intimidation tactics, newspapers across Europe have now published the cartoons. Among them is the France Soir, whose Egyptian owner promptly fired the editor and apologized to muslims everywhere. The soon-to-be-jobless editor declared on the front page of the February 1 edition: “Yes, We Have the Right to Caricature God.”

That headline returns us to the core of the matter: the distinction between the commendable and the permissible. Insulting the other fellow’s family to his face may not be the former; it does fall within the wider scope of the latter. And, when the principle of free expression is challenged, speech acts may become commendable that would otherwise be merely permissible.

In that spirit, below are three of the by now notorious cartoons — which, as it happens, strike me as neither profound nor funny. If this ticks off higher powers, they know where to find me.

Anyone else will have to blame himself for scrolling down.

Please scroll down if and only if you wish to view three satirical drawings of the Prophet Muhammed. Originally in Jyllands-Posten, September 30 2005.

Muhammed Satirical Cartoon 1

Muhammed Satirical Cartoon 2

Muhammed Satirical Cartoon 3

All drawings available here.

January 31, 2006

Sublime hypocrisy

Not since the Satanic Verses madness have Muslims been as up in arms about so-called blasphemy. The Washington Post:

PARIS, Jan. 30 — Cartoons in Danish and Norwegian newspapers depicting the prophet Muhammad in unflattering poses, including one in which he is portrayed as an apparent terrorist with a bomb in his turban, have triggered outrage among Muslims across the Middle East, sparking protests, economic boycotts and warnings of possible retaliation against the people, companies and countries involved.

The cartoons were published in September in a conservative, mass-circulation Danish daily, Jyllands-Posten, and were reprinted three weeks ago in Magazinet, a small evangelical Christian newspaper in Norway. But the reaction has been widespread, and fallout over the images reached new levels Monday, with the European Union backing Denmark in the dispute and warning that a boycott of Danish products — already being felt by some companies — would violate World Trade Organization rules.

Saudi Arabia has recalled its ambassador from Denmark and Libya has closed its embassy in Copenhagen, the Danish capital. Kuwait called the cartoons “despicable racism.” Iran’s foreign minister termed them “ridiculous and revolting.”

Additonally, the muslim world’s two main political bodies — the Arab League and the Organization of the Islamic Conference, with respectively 22 and 57 member states — will be seeking a UN resolution banning “attacks on religious beliefs.”

Meanwhile, in the Sudan:

The story is the same across Darfur, Sudan’s westernmost region. In 25 days of research there and among refugees on the border with Chad, Human Rights Watch documented 62 attacks on mosques in Dar Masalit, the homeland of one of Darfur’s three main African tribes. Several of them were accompanied by murders inside mosques, often during prayer time. Korans, prayer mats and other symbols of Islam were routinely desecrated.

As noted in a recent post, the Sudanese regime continues to sponsor such attacks. Yet to my knowledge, neither of these organizations has made any kind of brouhaha over the matter, let alone sought UN declarations. Indeed, in March the Arab League is to hold its summit in Khartoum, perhaps there to continue its foaming at the mouth over the cartoons.

Sudan on its part has denied a Danish government minister permission to visit and asked its national companies to boycott all Danish goods, al-Jazeera reports.

Sudanese defense minister

Sudanese defense minister Abdel Rahim Mohammad Hussein declines to welcome his Danish counterpart to Sudan

And thus the Arab nations have turned hypocrisy into an art form more sublime than any pencilwork.

I will return to this topic.

August 21, 2005

Gaza - what’s the fuss about?

Filed under: Middle East, Religion

The astute Ami Isseroff complained this week about “the mountain of publicity generated over the molehill of disengagement” in Gaza:

Disengagement involves the removal of about 8,000 well-fed settlers from their government subsidized houses in Gaza to government-granted residences within Israel. More air-time, newsprint and bandwidth have probably been wasted on this mini-event than were spent on the expulsion and flight of 600,000 Jews from Arab countries, bereft of their belongings, to be packed into tents on their arrival in Israel, or scattered to the four corners of the Earth.

As Isseroff wearily explains:

[M]ost Israelis always viewed most of the Gaza settlements as expendable pawns for peace, and as a means of maintaining the security of the southern coast…. If Israel remained in Gaza, it would be a magnet for more and more Rachel Corries and a symbol of everything that is wrong with the occupation. It simply wasn’t worth staying there any more.

Furthermore, he notes, Gaza was never a central part of Greater Israel; in Biblical times it belonged to the Phillistines. (I might add that its sole religious significance is as the setting for mass slaying of Phillistines by Samson; who, by the way, has been diagnosed with a serious mental disorder and may not be the worst conceivable symbol of the settlers.) Isseroff is aware, of course, that Sharon has played a gambit to prepare for annexing large chunks of the West Bank, which, unlike Gaza, is rather essential to the Greater Israel idea. He thinks, however, that the settler movement made a fatal error in taking a stand over the dispensable Gaza Strip instead of Jerusalem or Hebron:

The Greater Israel people signed the death warrant of their own movement by identifying their cause with Gaza settlement, and the evacuation of a few settlements in an obscure part of the West Bank. Disengagement will be over soon. “Greater Israel” as they chose to define it will vanish in a few weeks and nobody will mourn it.

Much as I hope this analysis is correct, I surmise the reason they made such a fuss about Gaza, despite having long realized that the cause is lost, was to send this message: “Behold, such is the hell we can raise over 8,000 settlers on a dusty patch of land peripheral to Jewish history and religion. Just imagine, then, the consequences of removing 220,000 from Judea and Samaria!”

And though the evacuation proceeded as smoothly as could be expected, that message may well have gotten through to the recipient - not Sharon, but any Israeli leader even contemplating full withdrawal from the West Bank. Which, in turn, is critical to a just peace.

July 10, 2005

Why they should march

Filed under: Europe, Religion, Terrorism
My latest post, in its original incarnation at European Tribune, left me very much in a minority of one.

That I don’t mind at all. However, while some of my critics made valid points, I still believe it would be a good idea for the British Muslim community to be seen collectively denouncing the tainting of their faith by terrorism.

In an ideal world, such demonstrations would be happily superfluous, since racism, xenophobia, and the ascription of collective guilt would not exist. But then, neither would tube bombs or the need to evacuate 30,000 people from Birmingham on a Saturday night. In this vale of tears it isn’t always enough to oppose what is being done in one’s name in order not to be looked askance upon. One sometimes must go out of one’s way to show such opposition.

For instance, countless US citizens traveling the world these days endure resentment and suspicion on the basis of their nationality. And, tacitly or explicity, they are expected to denounce certain crimes conducted in their name. The analogy is imperfect, inasmuch as the Bush administration is legally (re)elected by their nation, while terrorists and their ideological enablers are self-appointed. What is not disanalogous is the sense in which a dearth of US mass protest against the epic list of crimes and scandals in the ‘war on terra’ has been duly noted in the world at large, and is being visited on individual Americans in an unfair manner. I don’t see anyone balking at the notion that progressive Americans should make an effort to show the world how, in their view, the founding values of the USA are being twisted and distorted in their name, and that they should do so, at least in part, for their own sake.

Now, why is that?

One commenter asked: “Why do you insist to make it the job of Muslims to destroy our paranoid preconceptions?” Well, I don’t, strictly speaking, insist on anything at all. I’m just making a suggestion. But here is a story.

Torchlit demonstration against racist violence, Oslo, January 26 2001.In January 2001, a 14 year old black kid was stabbed to death in Oslo by neo-Nazis. This prompted a spontaneous torchlit demonstration with at least 40,000 participants including the Prime Minister. The vast majority were pale-skinned ethnic Norwegians. Now, according to the logic of my critics, calls for this demonstration were misplaced, since after all, only a vanishingly small minority of white ethnic Norwegians have any sympathy for neo-Nazis. So why should it be their job to prove for all the world that the few bad apples who profess to fight on their behalf are, on the contrary, inverting and abusing the values of Norwegian society? Those 40,000 marched anyway, ‘their job’ or no.

A closer analogy is this one. On March 12 2004, in the capital of the Basque Country, Vitoria - a city of 225,000 - an estimated 150,000 people protested terrorism at a time when ETA was the official chief suspect of the Madrid bombings, much as al-Qaeda is now. True, the Spanish majority marched as well, under such paroles as “Yes to Basques, no to ETA.” But somehow I sense the Basques would have turned out in great numbers anyway, out of sheer disgust with ETA, and without any need for someone else to suggest it.

When 46 percent of Brits now think that Islam as such poses a threat to Western liberal democracy, I continue to think that something needs to be done. Not just by British Muslims, to be sure. But in the nature of the case, those with knowledge must teach the ignorant, not the other way around.

If that is unacceptably politically incorrect, I could hardly care less.

July 8, 2005

British Muslims should take the streets

Filed under: Europe, Religion, Terrorism
Crossposted from European Tribune.

There is now fear of a popular backlash against Muslims in Britain. While this may be exaggerated, British Muslims and their various organizations have an option available to them which might quell at least some of the Islamophobia.

After 9/11 there was little by way of Muslims demonstrating against terrorism, either in the US or elsewhere. Apparently many disbelieved at first that their co-believers were involved. And maybe similar doubts explain why - at least as far as I recall - they didn’t fill the streets after 3/11 either.

But whatever the reasons for the failure to stand up in suitably impressive numbers, said failure has been noted. Countless times have I heard it said that Muslims silently condone Islamistic terrorism, since they are nowhere to be seen mass rallying for its demise.

True, there have been harsh condemnations by heads of Islamic organizations as well as statesmen from virtually every Muslim country on earth. But after all, most people regard the words of outgroup leaders as cheap. For instance, in spite of Dubya’s endless disclaimers, 8 of 10 British Muslims hold that the ‘war on terror’ really is a war on Islam.

More disturbingly, according to the same source:

[A] poll conducted last year, under the auspices of the Guardian newspaper, found a surprising 13 percent who said that further attacks by Al Qaeda or a similar organization on the United States would be justified.

There are 1,6 million Muslims in Britain, including over 600 000 in London. Now here is an idea.

Paying tributeThey should take the streets in the hundreds of thousands, making clear that Islam, as indeed it is, is incompatible with the butchery of innocent civilians. Not because they have a duty to declare their objection to senseless slaughter; they could reasonably argue that this should be a matter of course. But with each new al-Qaeda attack, it becomes decreasingly so to many ordinary non-Muslims who get more exposure to snuff films from Iraq than to the Koranic prohibition of murder. Hence they should march, not out of obligation, but of self-interest.

If, contrary to indications, 7/7 turns out to be the work of groups unrelated to Islam, then they will still have won a lot of goodwill. And far better to march once too much than once too little. Besides, we all know that al-Qaeda will strike again.

Such an effort would be more effective than any number of oppressive laws designed to stifle speech about religious populations. Of course, it won’t persuade the wingers, because nothing will. I have in mind the politically passive majority of non-Muslim Brits and other ethnic westerners, who the civilized majority of Muslims in Europe and the US would definetely want on their side.

July 1, 2005

Blair vs. freedom of expression

Filed under: Europe, Religion

Crossposted from European Tribune.

A bill outlawing ‘incitement to religious hate’ has been successfully pushed through the House of Commons by Tony Blair’s government. The bill, introduced at the urging of Muslim groups, prescribes up to seven years of jail for any utterings overheard by ‘any person’ in whom they are ‘likely to stir up… religious hatred.’ It is decried by the Liberal Democrats and a broad coalition of civil liberties advocates, artists, and religious societies, who consider it a menace to the freedom of speech.

Writes Evangelical Times:

For example, government guidance about the proposed new crime states that while of itself ‘Christians claiming Jesus Christ is the way, the truth, the life and the only way to God’ would not be caught by the offence, such words could be a crime if they were considered ‘insulting’ and it was a ‘likely effect that hatred would be stirred up’.

Many Christians think this opens them to genuine risk under the law, since sharing the gospel — even sensitively and thoughtfully — can lead to unintended offence being taken. It will become easy for someone to allege a Christian was ‘stirring up hatred’. In a democracy there has to be freedom to say things with which others disagree.

Objections like this - and especially, claims that the bill will criminalize the criticism of religion - are, however, scoffed at by supporters such as Inayat Bunglawala of the Muslim Council of Britain:

[T]he incitement to religious hatred proposal has been portrayed by its critics — ranging from the comedian Rowan Atkinson and the conservative commentator Charles Moore to the National Secular Society — as, in the words of Melanie Phillips, “criminalising legitimate and necessary criticism of religion.”

Their objections are preposterous. The new law will not prohibit anyone from offending, criticising or ridiculing faiths. The attorney-general Lord Goldsmith has clearly said it is “about protecting people from hatred, not faiths from criticism”.

The problem with this argument is that living religions are more than abstract propositions: They are also the practices of specific groups, blurring the line between ‘people’ and ‘faiths.’ How about, say, blasting Islam as a misogynistic ideology which subjugates women through everything from the hijab to the prohibition of marrying non-Muslims? Or by extension, slamming Muslims as either patriarchal sexists (men) or clueless participants in their own oppression (women)? These are - arguably, hate-inciting - statements about a certain group of people as defined and delineated by a faith.

As another example, take a somewhat hyperbolic comment yours truly made on Booman Tribune in disgust at the election of Ratzinger to Bishop of Rome. Here the Catholic Church is denounced as a ‘glorified psycho sect’ on account of a dogma it touts and the social effects thereof. While not meant as such, that might well be construed as ‘incitement to religious hatred.’ The risk of actual prosecution, let alone conviction, for making such a statement in the UK would presumably be slight. But it ought, I submit, to be nil.

Incidentally, several major religions teach that stalwart unbelievers are so wicked as to deserve infinite posthumous torture. (The Koran, xxii.9: “As for the unbelievers, for them garments of fire shall be cut and there shall be poured over their heads boiling water whereby whatever is in their bowels and skins shall be dissolved and they will be punished with hooked iron-rods.”) Worse from a practical viewpoint, some have clauses ordaining murder and enslavement of infidels under certain conditions (ibid., xlvii.4: “When you meet the unbelievers, strike off their heads; then when you have made wide slaughter among them, carefully tie up the remaining captives”) and the specific nature of the conditions is a matter of dispute. Incitement to hate?

Maybe. Prompted by the British Humanist Society, the bill defines religious hatred referring not just to belief but also to lack thereof. Does anyone eye a potential conflict with the freedom of religion? Salman Rushdie:

[The bill is] likely to create a desire by the most extreme factions in religious groups to limit what can be said. That will create a backlash.

It might even… I mean, it could be used against the extremely intolerant remarks often made in mosques on Fridays. I doubt very much that that’s what the Government has in mind, but if they’re talking about inciting religious hatred, there’s quite a lot of it going on there.

Yet defenders of the law insist it is a logical extension of existing legislation against hate speech. Inayat Bunglawala again:

The 1986 Incitement to Racial Hatred law helped create a climate in our society in which most Britons now clearly believe that incitement to race hate is a social evil.

However, under those race hate laws, Jews and Sikhs — because they are regarded as “mono-ethnic” groups — are protected against religious hatred, but not followers from other “multi-ethnic” faiths.

This is plainly unfair. Incitement to hatred of others purely because of their religion should also be regarded as a social evil whatever their religious background.

Now, there are some apparent disanalogies here, as Keith P. Wood, Executive Director of the National Secular Society, points out: Whereas race is an immutable characteristic, religion is an ideology that can be embraced or rejected at will. But wait a minute - can it always be so rejected? Many believers would deny having any such option, since it amounts to choosing Lies (and the consequent damnation of the soul) over Absolute Truth. And in Islam there is a death penalty for apostasy. Thus the disanalogy, on closer inspection, is not so obvious.

Wood also notes that unlike race, religion brings proscription and prescription, and sometimes political ambitions: “We must be able to vigorously call religion to account.” But what about ethnic groups defined by religion, as in the aforementioned cases of Jews and Sikhs? With a law against ethnic hate speech on the books, it is in practice a delicate matter to attack the religion without risk of transgression.

Very well; maybe the respective bans on racial and religious hate speech really are on the same footing. If that is so, it bears out a long-standing concern, to wit, that anti-racist hate speech laws set a dangerous precedent in restricting freedom of expression. Bigotry is indeed a great social evil. Yet it is unwarranted to assume that any social evil can be checked by coercion without unacceptable infringement of civil liberties. As the comedian Rowan Atkinson notes, “[h]uge latent power will be lying dormant, just waiting to be abused for political ends.”

I incline to be fairly absolutist about this. Here, it seems to me, is one policy issue where European countries should take a page from the USA. To be exact, they should adopt something like the First Amendment to its Constitution, as applied by means of the Clear and Present Danger Test of Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes:

The question in every case is whether the words used are used in such circumstances and are of such a nature as to create a clear and present danger that they will bring about the substantive evils that Congress has a right to prevent.

If we Europeans have forgotten the legacies of Voltaire and John Stuart Mill, we are lucky that the USA recalls them. For the risk of prosecution for ‘religious vilification’ isn’t hypothetical on our continent these days. In Italy, for instance, a judge has ordered the trial of journalist Oriana Fallaci for the supposed crime of writing a book, The Rage and the Pride, which is ‘unequivocally offensive to Islam.’ Says Nick Cohen in The Observer:

The alleged crime of The Rage and the Pride is to insist there is an unbridgeable divide between the Islamic world and the West. What she says may not be true, although it certainly is true of Islamism and the West, which have armies at war to prove it. It’s also the case that even by the standards of Italian journalism, Fallaci is a raging prima donna. Still, since when has it been a criminal offence for prima donnas to sing, however tunelessly?

I take exception, as it happens, to her book; but much more so to her prosecution. That it is a huge PR victory for Fallaci’s shrill charges of European collaboration with ‘the Islamic invasion’ is also ironic and attests to the fact that clamping down on people for their views is counterproductive as well as wrong.

For both the Brits and the rest of us, it is time to wise up before this stuff gets out of hand. We could do worse than listen to H.L. Mencken: “The meaning of religious freedom, I fear, is sometimes greatly misapprehended. It is taken to be a sort of immunity, not merely from governmental control but also from public opinion.”

June 23, 2005

William Lind’s ignorance

Filed under: Religion
WilliamLindThe military theorist William S. Lind is a fascinating figure. Dr. Lind is a self-styled ‘true conservative’ akin to Pat Buchanan: fiscally conservative; isolationist; and vehemently opposed to immigration, especially of a non-WASP nature (”One of the more hopeful signs that some life remains in the American republic is the re-emergence of Minutemen,” he opines). Like Buchanan he also viscerally loaths the neo-cons - whom he not inaptly labels ‘neo-Jacobins’ - and laments the epic folly of the Iraq War, as well as the incompetence of its prosecution. That stance has made him some unlikely bedfellows: His weekly column ‘On War’ appears at Antiwar.com.

As well it might: It offers some of the most insightful analysis of military matters on the Internet. This is not least thanks to Lind’s overarching perspective, which he calls ‘Fourth Generation Warfare.’ Like his friend, the noted military historian Martin van Creveld, Lind argues that the age in which the nation state monopolizes warfare is ending globally. Instead we are returning to war as it was before the 1648 Peace of